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【世界历史之被人遗忘的古国----赫梯[Hittie]】【部分图片】

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赫梯位于小亚细亚卡帕多细亚,是一个位于安纳托利亚的亚洲古国。讲印欧语系(雅利安语系)赫梯语的赫梯人和公元前2000年代迁来的讲涅西特语的涅西特人共同创造了赫梯国家。赫梯王国公元前2000年代兴起于小亚细亚这一古老的文明地区。小亚细亚是近东文明与爱琴文明联系的桥梁和纽带。亚述人曾经于公元前3000年代末至公元前2000年代初在小亚细亚建立了若干商业殖民地,其中最著名的是卡尼什商业公社。亚述人还把楔形文字带到了小亚细亚。在哈里斯河(今土耳其基齐尔-伊尔马克河)流域,小亚细亚大部分地区是山脉围绕的高原,畜牧在赫梯经济中占有重要的地位。农业依靠河溪和水池灌溉,发展十分有限。但境内有银、铜、铁等丰富矿藏,是发展金属冶炼的有利条件。赫梯处于黑海地中海两河流域之间的要道上,很早就和外界发生贸易联系。赫梯族是操印欧语的部落,最早出现时间大约是在公元前二千纪之初。他们的语言是涅西特语。赫梯国家是由许多相互混合的部落建立的。



赫梯 - 国家的形成


公元前19—18世纪之交,赫梯人形成第一批部落联盟,并有设防的城市。其中,以库萨尔、涅萨和察尔帕为最重要。库萨尔王阿尼塔在各部落联盟的斗争中取得胜利,毁灭赫梯原先的土著部落的堡垒哈图沙,征服涅萨,并定都于此。
在形成中的赫梯国家实行对外侵略。赫梯王塔巴尔纳约当于公元前1640年征服小亚细亚东部,其子哈图喜里又攻略哈图沙。这时,操涅西特语的赫梯部落与原先的土著部落已经统一。穆尔西里一世继承先辈诸王的侵略政策,趁喜克索斯人势力削弱和巴比伦国家内外交困的机会,约于公元前1600年征服喜克索斯人的北方据点哈尔帕,稍后,又于公元前1595年左右洗劫巴比伦。
在穆尔西里一世统治晚期,王室贵族不断倾轧。大约由于王位继承问题,穆尔西里一世本人也在宫廷阴谋中死去。被征服地区重新独立;骚动、叛乱和反抗在赫梯国家持续了几十年。因此,约当公元前1535年,国王铁列平不得不对国家制度作重大改革。铁列平力图杜绝贵族纷争,借以保证国家的稳固。他的改革从王位继承制度着手,规定国王的嫡长子是王位的优先合法继承者;如无嫡男,依次由庶子和嫡长女婿递补。这就确立了王位世袭制,防止贵族的争夺。铁列平还禁止王族仇杀。国王若犯此法,由贵族会议审讯,并得依法处死。贵族会议保留很大的权力,不经同意,国王无权处死任一兄妹。古代的“潘克”也继续存在。参加潘克的成员限于军队中的特权分子、国王卫队、千夫长以及参加贵族会议的贵族,它是国家统治机构的一部分。铁列平的改革标志着赫梯国家形成过程的完



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举报|2楼2011-01-17 10:10
    赫梯 - 王国的强盛
    公元前15世纪末至前13世纪初,赫梯国家鼎盛,这一时期编制了《赫梯法典》。国王苏庇路里乌玛(约前15世纪
    赫梯末至前14世纪前期)利用米坦尼宫廷政变和叛乱,占领米坦尼的大部分领土,并和埃及争夺叙利亚。当时,埃及正陷于内部宗教斗争,无力东顾;叙利亚各地也竭力想摆脱埃及的统治。赫梯因此能够顺利地征服叙利亚和腓尼基。此后,赫梯和埃及、亚述之间经常发生冲突。约公元前1312年,赫梯王穆瓦塔尔与埃及法老拉美西斯二世争夺叙利亚,会战于卡叠石,互有胜负。约公元前1296年,两国缔合,叙利亚大部分归赫梯所有。自埃及在叙利亚和腓尼基的势力削弱以后,赫梯是雄视西亚的一大霸国。
    赫梯王国于大约公元前1290年达到最高峰时期,与埃及帝国接壤。赫梯在新王国时期在叙利亚同埃及进行了争霸战争。霍连姆赫布、拉美西斯一世、塞提一世、拉美西斯二世这些埃及第19王朝前期的法老们同赫梯进行了激烈的争夺。交战双方在卡迭石战役中受到惨重损失。在赫梯新王哈图西里二世执政时,赫梯同埃及的拉美西斯二世在公元前1283年缔结了和约。公元前1246年,国王哈图西里三世采取和亲政策,将自己的一个女儿嫁给埃及的拉美西斯法老。后来发现于埃及卡纳克庙宇墙上的一幅雕刻,就描绘了当时埃及法老迎娶赫梯公主的情景



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    举报|3楼2011-01-17 10:11
      赫梯 - 和埃及的战争
      公元前14世纪末叶至前13世纪中叶,古代埃及与赫梯为争夺叙利亚地区的控制权展开了延续数十年的战争。这场战争中的关键性战役卡迭石之战是古代军事史上有文字记载的最早的会战之一,战后缔结的和约是历史上保留至今最早的有文字记载的国际军事条约文书。
      古代叙利亚地区位于亚非欧三大洲结合部,扼古“锡道”要冲,是古代海陆商队贸易枢纽,历来为列强必争之地。早在公元前第3000纪,埃及就多次发动对叙利亚地区的征服战争,力图建立和巩固在叙利亚地区的霸权。但埃及建立霸权的努力遇到了埃及强邻赫梯的有力挑战。约公元前14世纪,当埃及忙于宗教改革无暇他顾时,赫梯迅速崛起,在其雄才大略的国王苏皮卢利乌马斯的率领下,积极向叙利亚推进,逐步控制了南至大马士革的整个叙利亚地区,沉重打击了埃及在这一地区的既得利益。约前1290年,埃及第19王朝法老拉美西斯二世即位(约前1304一前1237年在位),决心重整旗鼓,与赫梯一争高低,恢复埃及在叙利亚地区的统治地位。为此,拉美西斯厉兵秣马,扩军备战,组建了普塔赫军团,连同原有的阿蒙军团、赖军团和塞特军团,加上努比亚人、沙尔丹人等组成的雇佣军,共拥有4个军团,2万余人的兵力。公元前1286年(即拉美西斯二世即位后的第4年),埃及首先出兵占领了南叙利亚的别里特(今贝鲁特)和比布鲁斯。次年(前1285年)4月末,拉美西斯二世御驾亲征,率4个军团从三角洲东部的嘉鲁要塞出发,沿里达尼河谷和奥伦特河谷挥师北上,经过近一个月的行军,进至卡迭石地区,于卡迭石以南约15英里处的高地宿营。位于奥伦特河上游西岸的卡迭石,河水湍急,峭壁耸立,地势险要,是联结南北叙利亚的咽喉要道,也是赫梯军队的军事重镇和战略要地。埃军试图首先攻克卡迭石,控制北进的咽喉,尔后再向北推进,恢复对整个叙利亚的统治。

      赫梯就在埃及举兵北上之际,一场紧锣密鼓的备战活动也在赫梯全面展开。拉美西斯二世还未启程,赫梯即从派往埃及的间谍那里获悉了埃及即将出兵远征的秘密情报。赫梯王穆瓦塔尔召开王室会议,制定了以卡迭石为中心,扼守要点,以逸待劳,诱敌深入,粉碎埃军北进企图的作战计划。为此,赫梯集结了包括2500一3500辆双马战车(每辆战车配备驭手1人,士兵2人)在内的2万余人的兵力,隐蔽配置于卡迭石城堡内外,拟诱敌进入伏击圈后,将其一举歼灭。拉美西斯二世率军在卡迭石附近高地驻宿一夜后,于次日清晨指挥主力部队向卡迭石进击,意欲在黄昏之前攻下该堡。拉美西斯二世率阿蒙军团冲锋在前,赖军团、普塔赫军团居后跟进,塞特军团由于行动迟缓,尚滞留在阿穆路地区,一时难以到达战场。当阿蒙军团进至卡迭石以南8英里的萨布吐纳渡口时,截获两名赫梯军队的“逃亡者”,这两名实为赫梯“死间”的贝都因游牧人谎报赫梯主力尚远在卡迭石以北百里之外的哈尔帕,并佯称卡迭石守军士气低落,力量薄弱,畏惧埃军,特别是叙利亚王侯久有归顺埃及之意。拉美西斯二世信以为真,立即指挥阿蒙军团从萨布吐纳渡口跨过奥伦特河,孤军深入,直抵卡迭石城下。穆瓦塔尔闻讯迅即将赫梯主力秘密转移至奥伦特河东岸,构成包围圈,将埃军团团围住。拉美西斯二世从刚刚捕获的赫梯俘虏口中始知中计,立即派急使催促赖军团和普塔赫军团紧急来援。当赖军团到达卡迭石以南的丛林时,早已设伏于此的赫梯战车出其不意地攻其侧翼,赖军团损失惨重。接着,赫梯军队以2500辆战车向埃军阿蒙军团发起猛烈攻击,埃军士兵一触即溃,四散逃命,陷入重围之中的拉美西斯二世在侍卫的掩护下;左突右挡,奋力抵抗、并祈求阿蒙神的庇佑,还将护身的战狮放出来“保驾”。在此危急时刻。,埃军北上远征时曾留在阿穆路南部的一支部队赶到。这支援军呈三线配置,一线以战车为主,轻步兵掩护,二线为步兵,三线多兵和战车各半,突然出现于赫梯军队侧后,对赫梯军猛攻,把拉美西斯二世从危局中解救了出来。埃军连续发动6次冲锋,将大量赫军战车赶入河中。赫梯王也增派战车投入战场,猛冲埃及中军,并令8000名要塞守军短促出击,予以配合,战斗十分激烈。黄昏时分,埃及普塔赫军团先头部队赶到,加入战斗。入夜,赫梯军退守要塞,战斗结束,双方势均力敌,胜负未分。


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      举报|4楼2011-01-17 10:11
        古埃及与赫梯战争卡迭石之战


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        举报|6楼2011-01-17 10:12
          古埃及与赫梯战争古埃及石刻


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          举报|7楼2011-01-17 10:12
            古埃及与赫梯战争哈图莎:铁血王国赫梯的都城



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            举报|8楼2011-01-17 10:12


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              举报|9楼2011-01-17 10:12
                赫梯王国版图:与埃及接壤


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                举报|10楼2011-01-17 10:13
                  赫梯 - 衰落和灭亡


                  但是,赫梯国家是在征服过程中形成的军事联合,没有稳固的经济基础。境内各部落之间的语言和生活方式都不相同,边疆和外藩地区的统治者掌握有行政、司法、军事大权,离心力很大。因此,国家的分合往往受到某个国王的军事成败的影响。与埃及战争以后,不久就开始衰弱。公元前1296年的和约,规定双方在发生内乱时互相援助。可见其内部已不稳定。到公元前13世纪末,海上民从博斯鲁斯海峡侵入赫梯,小亚细亚和叙利亚的各臣属国家也群起反抗,赫梯国家便在内外交迫中崩溃了。公元前13世纪末,弗里吉亚人(非腓尼基人)席卷了东部地中海地区,赫梯王国亦被其肢解。公元前8世纪,残存的赫梯王国被亚述帝国所灭。
                  赫梯崩溃后,只有在陶鲁斯山至叙利亚一带,还残存下一些使用象形文字的赫梯人小国,其中以巴美塔和卡尔赫美什么最为重要。公元前8世纪,各赫梯小国都被亚述所灭。

                  赫梯赫梯文化发达,对古代东方和爱琴海及希腊文化起着桥梁作用。

                  首先发明冶铁技术的民族
                  赫梯人是一个习惯于征战的民族,世代征战让赫梯人认识到没有强劲的军队是不行的。赫梯历代国王保持有一支人数多达30万的军队。他们的武器先进,使用短斧、利剑和弓箭。赫梯人在冶铁方面颇具名气,是西亚地区乃至全球最早发明冶铁术和使用铁器的国家,也是世界最早进入铁器时代的民族,赫梯王把铁视为专利,不许外传,以至铁贵如黄金,其价格竟是黄铜的60倍。赫梯的铁兵器曾使埃及等国为之胆寒。赫梯人打击敌人最有效的武器是战车;在战场上,他们驱赶披着铁甲的马拉战车冲锋陷阵,所向披靡,使来敌闻风丧胆。直到前1200年左右赫梯灭亡之后,赫梯铁匠散落各地,才将冶铁技术扩散开来,前800年左右传至印度,前600年左右传至中国。
                  在赫梯王国里,妇女享有美索不达米亚和埃及妇女所享受不到的权力和自由。赫梯法律充许妇女和男子一样拥有职业;皇家的文件和国宝显示国王和王后共享大权,赫梯王朝的某一时期,曾有王后单独临朝统治的记载。



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                  举报|11楼2011-01-17 10:13
                    赫梯 - 王国分期



                    1、旧王国(OldHittiteKingdom)(前1750年-前1500年)哈图什(Hattusa)成为首都
                    2、中王国(MiddleHittiteKingdom)(前1500年-前1450年)
                    3、新王国(NewHittiteKingdom)(帝国)(前1450年-前1180年):苏庇路里乌玛一世征服叙利亚;穆瓦塔里(Muwatalli)进攻埃及(Kadesh)

                    统治者列表
                    旧王国
                    赫梯
                    early18thc.皮塔纳(Pithana)(?)
                    sonofPithanamid18thc.阿尼塔(Anitta)
                    1680BC–1650BC拉巴尔纳(Labarna)
                    1650BC-1620BC拉巴尔纳一世(LabarnaI)(又称哈图西里一世(HattusiliI)
                    1620BC–1590BC穆尔西里一世(MursiliI)
                    1590BC–1560BC汉提里一世(HantiliI)
                    1560BC–1550BC兹丹塔一世(ZidantaI)
                    1550BC–1530BC阿穆纳(Ammuna)
                    1530BC–1525BC胡兹亚一世(HuzziyaI)
                    1525BC–1500BC铁列平(Telepinu)
                    中王国
                    阿卢旺纳(Alluwamna)
                    汉提里二世(HantiliII)(?)
                    兹丹塔二世(ZidantaII)(?)
                    胡兹亚二世(HuzziyaII)(?)
                    新王国
                    1430BC–1410BC?图达里亚一世(TudhaliyaI)
                    1410BC–1400BC?阿尔努旺达一世(ArnuwandaI)*
                    1400BC–1390BC?图达里亚二世(TudhaliyaII)*
                    1390BC–1380BC?哈图西里二世(HattusiliII)*
                    1380BC–1370BC?图达里亚三世(TudhaliyaIII)*
                    1370BC–1330BC苏庇努里乌马什一世(SuppiluliumaI)
                    1330BC–1330BC阿尔努旺达二世(ArnuwandaII)
                    赫梯
                    1330BC–1295BC穆尔西里二世(MursiliII)
                    1295BC–1282BC穆瓦塔里(Muwatalli)
                    1282BC–1275BC穆尔西里三世(MursiliIII)
                    1275BC–1245BC哈图西里三世(HattusiliIII)
                    1245BC–1215BC图达里亚四世(TudhaliyaIV)
                    1215BC–1210BC阿尔努旺达三世(ArnuwandaIII)
                    1210BC–1200BC苏庇努里乌马什二世]](SuppiluliumaII)
                     


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                    举报|12楼2011-01-17 10:13
                      赫梯 - 赫梯人


                      赫梯国发源于小亚细亚东部的高原山区,在哈利斯河(今名克泽尔河)上游一带。这里的原始居民称为哈梯人,他们既非闪米特人,也与古代其他民族没什么关系。约公元前2000年代,一支属于印欧人的涅西特人迁人此地,与当地的哈梯人逐渐同化,形成了赫梯人,他们说的赫梯语的主要成份是涅西特语。



                      赫梯国王小金像


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                      举报|13楼2011-01-17 10:14
                        赫梯 - 经济与社会生活


                        早期赫梯国家的生产力虽属青铜时代,但赫梯是西亚地区最早发明冶铁术和使用铁器的国家。赫梯的铁兵器曾使埃及等国家胆寒。亚述人的冶铁术就是从赫梯人那里学来的。赫梯王把铁视为专利,不许外传,以至贵如黄金,其价格竟是黄铜的60倍。赫梯以农业为主,工业除冶金之外,还有陶器制造、纺织等下工业部门。商业贸易也算繁荣,与埃及、腓尼基、塞浦路斯、爱琴海诸岛等地都有往来。


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                        举报|14楼2011-01-17 10:14
                          赫梯 - 文化



                          赫梯人的文学主要是神话,包括根据古代苏美尔人的创世和洪水传说改编而成的作品,赫梯的宗教也照搬美索不达米亚的多神崇拜。宗教活动包括占卜、献祭、斋戒和祈祷,而不具备伦理意义。赫梯以楔形文字记述自己印欧语系的语言,创造了赫梯楔形文。赫梯还另有1套象形文字,用于铭刻和印章,这可能是受哈梯人原始图画文字和埃及象形文字的影响。但到目前为止,这些象形文字尚未释读成功。赫梯人最突出的文化成就当属法律体系。以《赫梯法典》为代表的赫梯人法律,要比古巴比伦的法律更人道,判处死刑的罪过不多,更没有亚述人法律中那些诸如剥皮、宫刑、钉木桩等酷刑。赫梯人的艺术才能不十分出色。但他们的雕塑作品则新颖生动,尤其是石壁上的浮雕作品。城门和王宫门旁,一般都雕有巨大而生动的石狮。他们的建筑材料多用巨石,明显优于两河流域的土坯。赫梯文明的历史成就不仅仅在于发现和使用了铁,而且在于它充当了两河流域同西亚西部地区文化交流的中介。毫无疑问,某些文化成份就是通过这个中介从美索下达米亚传到迦南人和喜克索斯人中间,可能还传到爱琴海诸岛,赫梯文明是埃及文明、两河流域文明和爱琴海地区诸文明之间的主要链环之一。



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                          举报|15楼2011-01-17 10:14
                            赫梯 - 主要神话人物

                            阿尔玛(Arma)古赫梯神话中月神。
                            阿鲁纳(Aruna)古赫梯神话中海神。
                            阿普(Appu)古赫梯神话中的人物,曾向太阳神求子,生两子,一善一恶,后恶者夺取善者财产。
                            卡姆鲁塞帕(Kamrusepa)赫梯古王国时期女神,主神的襄助者。莱尔瓦尼(Lelwani)冥神,古赫梯神话中为男,较晚赫梯神话中为女。
                            皮尔瓦(Pirwa)古赫梯神话中,赫梯两京城内萨和哈图萨斯神殿之神。古赫梯早期议事歌中,为“青年武士”,似乎被视为王者的庇护神。
                            萨鲁(Saru)古赫梯神话中暴风雨神,又名“塔鲁”。
                            泰莱皮鲁斯(Telepinus)古赫梯神话中丰绕之神,被视为塔鲁与母神之子。
                            瓦西塔(Wasitta)古赫梯神话中一山,与凡人生子。
                            乌伦塞穆(Wurun****u)古赫梯神话中主神之一,在哈图萨斯一世时期,被视为王者的“养护者”,古赫梯王国后期,她作为“阿林纳城之太阳女神”的作用急速降低,哈图萨斯三世时期,试图重新唤起人们对她的崇拜。
                            希梅吉(Shimegi)古赫梯神话中的太阳神,又名“希米格”。
                            雅里(Yarri)古赫梯神话中的战神。
                            伊卢延卡(Illunyanka)古赫梯神话中的蛇妖,也有龙之说,曾与雷雨神搏斗,夺去其心和目,后雷雨神复仇被杀。
                            伊斯塔努斯(Istanus)古赫梯神话中的太阳神


                            古赫梯帝国神话中有数位太阳神


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                            举报|16楼2011-01-17 10:14
                              赫梯 - 节庆


                              每逢新年,赫梯人都会庆祝普鲁利节。而劳恩塔吏亚什哈什节是赫梯人最为隆重和规模宏大的节日活动之一,该节日是在国王远征归来后举行。赫梯的宗教活动主要集中在阿丽娜城、奈里克城、兹帕朗达城和哈图沙什城举行。其中,阿丽娜城和奈里克城是赫梯举行祭礼活动最重要的地方。前者是敬奉女神阿丽娜的地方,后者是供奉农业之神铁列平的地方。兹帕朗达城也是赫梯祭礼活动的一个重要场所。


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                              举报|17楼2011-01-17 10:15
                                西台帝国


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                                举报|18楼2011-01-17 10:15
                                  The Hittites
                                  A history of the Hittites including their cities, kings, art and contributions to civilization



                                  Probably originating from the area beyond the Black Sea, the Hittites first occupied central Anatolia, making their capital at Hattusa (modern Bogazköy). Early kings of the Hittite Old Kingdom, such as Hattusilis I (reigned c. 1650-c. 1620 BC), consolidated and extended Hittite control over much of Anatolia and northern Syria. Hattusilis' grandson Mursilis I raided down the Euphrates River to Babylon, putting an end (c. 1590 BC) to the Amorite dynasty there. After the death of Mursilis, a dynastic power struggle ensued, with Telipinus finally gaining control about 1530 BC. In the noted Edict of Telipinus, long upheld by succeeding generations, he attempted to end lawlessness and to regulate the royal succession.
                                  After Telipinus historical records are scarce until the Hittite New Kingdom, or empire (c. 1400-c. 1200 BC). Under Suppiluliumas I (c. 1380-c. 1346 BC), the empire reached its height. Except for a successful campaign against Arzawa in southwestern Anatolia, Suppiluliumas' military career was devoted to involved struggles with the kingdom of Mitanni to the southeast and to the establishment of a firm Hittite foothold in Syria.
                                  Under Muwatallis (c. 1320-c. 1294 BC) a struggle for the domination of Syria with resurgent Egypt under Seti I and Ramses II led to one of the greatest battles of the ancient world, which took place at Kadesh on the Orontes in 1299 BC. Though Ramses claimed a great victory, the result was probably indecisive, and 16 years later, under Hattusilis III (c. 1275-c. 1250 BC), a peace treaty, mutual defense pact, and dynastic marriage were concluded between the Hittites and the Egyptians.
                                  The fall of the Hittite empire (c. 1193 BC) was sudden and may be attributed to large-scale migrations that included the Sea Peoples. While the heartland of the empire was inundated by Phrygians, some of the Cilician and Syrian dominions retained their Hittite identity for another five centuries, evolving politically into a multitude of small independent principalities and city-states, which were gradually incorporated by Assyria until by 710 BC the last vestiges of Neo-Hittite political independence had been obliterated.
                                  Hittite cuneiform tablets discovered at Bogazköy (in modern Turkey) have yielded important information about their political organization, social structure, economy, and religion. The Hittite king was not only the chief ruler, military leader, and supreme judge but also the earthly deputy of the storm god; upon dying, he himself became a god. Hittite society was essentially feudal and agrarian, the common people being either freemen, "artisans," or slaves. Anatolia was rich in metals, especially silver and iron. In the empire period the Hittites developed iron-working technology, helping to initiate the Iron Age.
                                  The religion of the Hittites is only incompletely known, though it can be characterized as a tolerant polytheism that included not only indigenous Anatolian deities but also Syrian and Hurrian divinities.
                                  The plastic art of pre-imperial Hittite culture is scarce; from the Hittite empire, however, many examples have been found of stone sculptures in a powerful, though somewhat unrefined, style. The art of the Late Hittite states is markedly different, showing a composite of Hittite, Syrian, Assyrian, and, occasionally, Egyptian and Phoenician motifs and influences.


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                                  举报|19楼2011-01-17 10:15
                                    The rise and fall of the Hittites
                                    The Hittite occupation of Anatolia


                                    The first suggestion of the Hittites' presence in central Anatolia during the Middle Bronze Age is the occurrence in the Kültepe tablets of Indo-European personal names in the correspondence of the Assyrian merchants and local rulers of central Anatolia (the "Land of Hatti"), whose non-Indo-European language is known as Hattian (Khattian, Hattic, or Khattic). Although it is now known that these Indo-Europeans called their language Nesite (after the city of Nesa), it is still, confusingly, called Hittite. Besides Nesite, two other Indo-European dialects were found in Anatolia: Luwian (Luvian), spoken by immigrants into southwest Anatolia late in the Early Bronze Age and later written with the pictographs commonly called Hittite hieroglyphs; and the more obscure Palaic, spoken in the northern district known in classical times as Paphlagonia.
                                    The first knowledge of the Hittites, then, depends upon the appearance of typically Nesite names among the predominant Assyrian and Hattian names of the texts. The problem of the origin of the Hittites has been the subject of some controversy and has not yet been conclusively resolved. On linguistic grounds, some scholars were at first disposed to bring them from lands west of the Black Sea, but it subsequently was shown that this theory conflicts with much archaeological evidence. One authority argues for their arrival in Anatolia from the northeast, basing his theory on the burning or desertion during the 20th century BC of a line of settlements representing the approaches to Cappadocia from that direction. The evidence from the cities near the Kzl (Halys) River and Cappadocia, however, does not support this picture of an invading army, destroying settlements in its path and evicting their inhabitants. The impression is rather one of peaceful penetration, leading by degrees to a monopoly of political power. From their first appearance among the indigenous Anatolians, the Hittites seem to have mingled freely, while the more flexible Nesite language gradually replaced Hattian. It has even been argued that Anatolia was the original homeland of the Indo-Europeans and that they gradually spread east and west after about 7000 BC, carrying with them not only their language but also the invention of agriculture. There are, however, good grounds for rejecting this theory.
                                    Only a few of the tablets of the Hittite archives found at Bogazköy can be dated earlier than the 17th century BC; nevertheless, certain historical texts of this period have survived in the form of more or less reliable copies made in the 14th or 13th centuries. One of these concerns two semilegendary kings of Kussara (Kushshar) named Pitkhanas and Anittas. The city called Kussara has yet to be identified, but the text gives an impressive list of cities that Pitkhanas had conquered, and among them appears the name of Nesa, which his son, Anittas, subsequently adopted as his capital. Also included in the list is Hattusas (Khattusas), known to be the ancient name of the later Hittite capital at Bogazköy, which Anittas was said to have destroyed. The fact that no direct connection could be inferred between these two kings and the subsequent history of the Hittites has been explained by later archaeological discoveries, which demonstrated that Pitkhanas and Anittas were in fact native Anatolian (Hattian) rulers of the 18th century BC. Indeed, a dagger bearing the name Anittas has been found at Kültepe.


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                                    举报|20楼2011-01-17 10:15
                                      The Old Hittite Kingdom



                                      The two main periods of Hittite history are customarily referred to as the Old Kingdom (c. 1700-c. 1500 BC) and the New Kingdom, or Empire (c. 1400-c. 1180). The less well-documented interlude of about a hundred years is sometimes referred to as the Middle Kingdom. Among the texts from Bogazköy, preserved or recopied by the imperial archivists, those relating to the Old Kingdom are comparatively few. For many years historians of that period relied for the most part on a single remarkable document: the constitutional Edict of Telipinus, one of its last kings. In contrasting the prosperity of the nation under his earliest predecessors with the decadence into which it had fallen at the time of his own accession, Telipinus provides a useful though not always reliable summary of early Hittite history. Formerly Labarnas was Great King; and then his sons, his brothers, his connections by marriage, his blood-relations and his soldiers were united. And the country was small; but wherever he marched to battle, he subdued the countries of his enemies by might. He destroyed the countries and made them powerless and he made the sea their frontier. And when he returned from battle, his sons went each to every part of the country, to Hupisna, to Tuwanuwa, to Nenassa, to Landa, to Zallara, to Parsuhanda and to Lusna, and governed the country, and in his hands also the great cities prospered [?]. Afterward Hattusilis became King . . .. Thus it appears that the Hittites regarded their own history as beginning with a king called Labarnas (Labarnash); this inference is confirmed by the use in later times of his name and that of his wife Tawannannas as dynastic titles or throne names of subsequent rulers. Nothing else is known about this king, however, and it is not certain that he was the first of his line. The earliest contemporary texts date from the reign of his son Hattusilis (Khattushilish; mentioned by Telipinus), and the most important of them is a bilingual inscription in Hittite and Akkadian found in 1957. In the Akkadian version his name is given as Labarnas, and it is implied that he is in fact the nephew of Tawannannas. In Hittite he becomes Hattusilis and is given the double title "King of Hattusas" and "Man of Kussara." This circumstance has given rise to the supposition that, whereas the original seat of his dynasty was at Kussara, at some time during his reign he transferred his capital to Hattusas (long ago destroyed by Anittas) and thus adopted the name Hattusilis.
                                      The geographic identity of place-names in Hittite historical texts has always been a subject of controversy, but some of those mentioned in the Edict of Telipinus are known: Tuwanuwa (classical Tyana, near modern Bor); Hupisna (classical Heraclea Cybistra; modern Eregli); Parsuhanda (Purushkhanda; probably modern Acemhöyük); and Lusna (classical Lystra). With the exception of Landa (probably to the north), the sites are all located in the territory to the south of the Kzl River called by the Hittites the Lower Land, suggesting the first extension of the Hittite Kingdom from its restricted homeland in the bend of the Kzl River followed hard upon the establishment of the new capital at Bogazköy. The extent and direction of this expansion may have been unforeseen when the site was chosen. As a mountain stronghold dominating the northeastern corner of the plateau, Bogazköy may at the time have had much to recommend it, but later conquests left it on the periphery of the kingdom, and its security was consequently diminished. This possibility is reflected in the bilingual text, which gives a detailed account of events of six successive years of Hattusilis' reign.


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                                      举报|21楼2011-01-17 10:16
                                        In the account of the first year's campaign, the obscure place-names give no more than a general impression of a localized operation, perhaps in Cappadocia. In the second year's records, however, the extent of Hittite conquests is more impressive, and there is some justification for Hattusilis' claim to have "made the sea his frontier." In fact, the very first place-name mentioned places Hattusilis beyond the Taurus passes in the plains of northern Syria. Alalkha is almost certainly Alalakh (modern Tell Açana, near Antioch), the ruins of which were excavated by the British archaeologist Sir Leonard Woolley between 1937 and 1949. The priority given to this town would suggest an approach to Syria through Cilicia and by the Belen Pass over the Nur Mountains. Two other cities, Igakalis and Taskhiniya, remain unidentified, but Urshu, which Hattusilis besieged (probably unsuccessfully) on his return journey, is known to have been located on the Euphrates above Carchemish. Rather curious in this account is the absence of any reference to the important kingdom of Yamkhad (centred at Aleppo), of which Alalakh was a vassal state. For the rest of Hattusilis' reign, Aleppo apparently remained the principal power in North Syria, to whose armies and allies his own troops were to find themselves repeatedly opposed.
                                        The third year's record introduces the names of two states later to play an important role in Hittite history. The first of these was Arzawa, a powerful kingdom with extensive territory in the southwest part of the peninsula, against which Hattusilis now organized a campaign. In doing so, he left his possessions in the south and southeast unprotected, and they were promptly annexed by the Hurrians, a people who now enter Anatolian history for the first time. From the late 3rd millennium BC onward, the Hurrians had infiltrated northern Mesopotamia and Syria from the north and soon constituted an important element in the population of both territories. On this occasion, having abandoned his attack on Arzawa, Hattusilis seems to have pressed them back and recovered his losses, but he spent the next two years reestablishing his frontiers. In the sixth and last year of his recorded activities, he found himself once more opposed to the Hurrian armies in North Syria, this time supported by troops from Aleppo. His feud with Aleppo was never decided in his lifetime, for it is known from other sources that he returned, badly wounded, to his old residence at Kussara, anxious to appoint a successor who might continue the struggle. In this endeavor he was at first singularly unsuccessful, for three of his sons in succession proved unreliable to the point of treason; one of the most remarkable and humanly revealing documents of the period is a long and bitter lament in which Hattusilis chides his sons for their infidelity and ingratitude. This text is one of the first examples of the Hittite language written in cuneiform, and it is thought that Babylonian scribes had been imported into the capital for the purpose of devising a formula by which this could be done.


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                                        举报|22楼2011-01-17 10:16
                                          Hattusilis eventually adopted his grandson Mursilis (Murshilish) as his successor, and he proved a wise choice. His first concern was to avenge Hattusilis' death by settling accounts with Aleppo, which he destroyed after conclusively defeating the Hurrian armies. Following this victory, he launched an extraordinary expedition against Babylon and, according to Telipinus, destroyed the city. Historians have found it difficult to explain the fact that Mursilis' army was able to advance almost 500 miles down the Euphrates and overcome the defenses of the Mesopotamian capital. His occupation of the city seems to have been extremely brief, because it was not the Hittites but the Kassites who afterward assumed control of the country and founded a dynasty in Babylonia. The Kassites had penetrated northern Mesopotamia, probably from the east, on the heels of the Hurrians. It is by no means improbable that Mursilis had welcomed them as allies, and the attack on Babylon may have been made possible by their support. Because it must have taken place just before or just after the death of Samsuditana, the last king of the 1st dynasty of Babylon, the event can be dated to 1595 BC. This date also may well have corresponded to the death of Mursilis, for after he returned to his own capital laden with booty, a conspiracy among his relatives resulted in his assassination. The succession of his brother-in-law Hantilis marked the beginning of the catastrophic period referred to in the Edict of Telipinus, during which the Hittite kingdom came near the verge of extinction.
                                          A major disaster during this period, which eclipsed other military failures, was the conquest of Cilicia by the Hurrians. This great coastal plain to the south of the Taurus Mountains, known as the "land of Adaniya" (Adana), was renamed Kizzuwadna and became the seat of a Hurrian dynasty. The cities of North Syria were thus rendered inaccessible to the Hittite armies, except through the Southeastern Taurus passes, and remained so until imperial times. When Telipinus sought to establish defensible frontiers, he was forced to conclude a treaty with a king of Kizzuwadna named Isputakhsus and was also compelled to renounce his claims on the neighboring country of Arzawa.
                                          Of equal interest in the Edict of Telipinus is his program of political reforms. Citing examples of the political evils that had resulted in the past from aristocratic disunity at the death of a monarch, he laid down a precise law of succession, specifying an exact order of precedence to be observed in the selection of a new ruler. He further prescribed that the nobles must again stand united in loyalty to the throne, and if they are dissatisfied with the conduct of the king or of one of his sons, they must have recourse to legal means of redress and refrain from taking the law into their own hands by murder. The Supreme Court for punishment of wrongdoers must be the pankus [whole body of citizens]. The meaning of the word pankus (pankush) has been much discussed, for it has been taken to mean a general assembly in the democratic sense, composed of the fighting men and servants of the king. Because the pankus is known to have been an essentially Indo-European concept and did not survive into imperial times, its existence has been cited as evidence that at this period the Indo-European aristocracy had not yet merged with the native Hattian population. There is, however, little other evidence to support this suggestion, and in the inscriptions no specific term or epithet is ever used to distinguish the non-Hittite indigenous population.


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                                          举报|23楼2011-01-17 10:16
                                            The Middle Kingdom


                                            Telipinus is ordinarily regarded as the last king of the Old Kingdom. His death marks the beginning of a more obscure period that lasted until the creation of the Hittite empire. The Syrian provinces, which Telipinus had been compelled to abandon, fell briefly into the hands of Hanigalbat, one of the political units into which the Hurrians had become organized. Hanigalbat, in turn, surrendered them to Egypt, after the successful eighth campaign of Thutmose III (ruled 1479-26 BC). This war also seems to be the first occasion on which the Hittites found themselves in alliance with Egypt, as it afforded an opportunity for them to attack Aleppo, which they once more managed to capture and destroy. The Hittite indebtedness to Egypt for its help may be inferred from an agreement between the two states, about 1471 BC, by which a Hittite king--presumably Zidantas II or Huzziyas--paid tribute to the pharaoh in return for certain frontier adjustments, but it is not clear to what extent Syria was dominated by Thutmose III between 1471 and his death. During this period the national unity of the Hurrians seems to have been revived by the imposition of an alien aristocracy and the foundation of a new Aryan dynasty. The Hittites now found themselves confronted on their southern boundaries by a powerful state known as Mitanni. Early in the reign in Egypt of Amenhotep II (c. 1426-1400 BC), the Mitannians were able to recover Syria and establish their authority over Kizzuwadna. The situation was politically disastrous for the Hittite kingdom, for a firm alliance was concluded between Mitanni and Egypt. This was sealed by a royal marriage between a daughter of the Mitannian king, Artatama I, and the young Egyptian king, Thutmose IV (c. 1400-1390 BC).


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                                            举报|24楼2011-01-17 10:16
                                              The Hittite empire to c. 1180 BC

                                              It is possible that the branch of the Hittite royal family that gained control in the 15th century BC may have originated in Kizzuwadna. Although the dynastic names remained Hittite, Hurrian nameѕ began to appear in the royal family. The profound penetration of Hittite civilization by Hurrian ideas, which became pronounced in later times, was initiated during this period. Texts previously assigned to the late-13th-century kings Tudhaliyas (Tudkhaliash) IV and Arnuwandas III have been shown to belong to the reigns of their predecessors Tudhaliyas II (or I) and Arnuwandas I in the late 15th and early 14th centurieѕ BC. Tudhaliyas II conquered Arzawa and Assuwa (later Asia) in the west and in the southeast captured and destroyed Aleppo, defeated Mitanni, and entered into an alliance with Kizzuwadna, which he later incorporated into his kingdom. In the north, however, access to the Black Sea waѕ blocked by invasions of the Kaska (Kashku) tribes, and this threat was to continue into the reigns of his successors.Tudhaliyas II was succeeded by his son Arnuwandas I, who was under attack from all directions: even Hattusas, the capital, waѕ burned down. Arzawa became independent; letters to its king have been found in the archives at Tell el-Amarna in Egypt. Arnuwandas' son Tudhaliyas III seems to have spent most of his reign campaigning to regain the lost territories.The Hittite king Suppiluliumas I (Shuppiluliumash, Subbiluliuma) dominated the history of the Middle East during the 14th century BC, although the dates of his reign are in question. He was originally thought to have ascended the throne about 1380 and to have reigned for roughly four decadeѕ, but some scholars now argue for a much shorter reign, from about 1343 to either 1322 or 1318. The son of Tudhaliyas III, in whose company he had gained military experience before ascending the throne, Suppiluliumas spent the first few years of his reign consolidating the Hittite homeland and improving the defenses of Hattusas; it may have been at this time that the greatly extended circuit of city walls waѕ built, enclosing an area of more than 300 acres (120 hectares). He then applied himself to the task of settling accounts with Mitanni, the principal enemy of his immediate predecessors. After an abortive attempt to approach Syria by the conventional route through the Taurus passes and Kizzuwadna, Suppiluliumas attempted a more carefully prepared attack from the rear by way of Malatya and the Euphrates valley. He met little resistance and was able to enter and sack the Mitannian capital, Wassukkani (possibly located near the head of the Khabur River near modern Diyarbakr). West of the Euphrateѕ, most of the North Syrian cities hastened to offer their submission. The king of Kadesh put up some resistance but was defeated, and the Hittite armies penetrated southward, almost to Damascus. The Egyptian allies of the Mitannian kingdom seem to have been indifferent to its wholesale subjugation; under the apostate pharaoh Akhenaton (Amenhotep IV; ruled c. 1353-36 BC) Egypt had temporarily lost interest in imperial defense. Treatieѕ made after thiѕ brilliant expedition show, for instance, that Nuhassi (central Syria) and Amurru (including most of what is now Lebanon) and such cities as Aleppo and Alalakh then became part of the Hittite dominions. It is not easy to understand why Carchemish, which controlled the Euphrates crossings, was allowed to retain its independence and Wassukkani, somewhere to the east on the headwaters of the Khabur River, to remain untenanted.Suppiluliumas then returned to his capital, leaving his son Telipinus, known as Telipinus the Priest, to arrange the defense of the Syrian provinces. His task may have been complicated by a new situation that had arisen in the remnants of the Mitannian state. The Mitannian king, Tushratta, was assassinated, and his successor, King Artatama, unwilling to place any further reliance on Egypt, turned to Assyria for an alliance against the Hittiteѕ. Meanwhile, Suppiluliumas returned to complete his conquest of Syria, capturing Carchemish after an eight-day siege. Telipinus now became king of Aleppo and hiѕ brother, Piyasilis (Shar-Kushukh), king of Carchemish. It remained only for Suppiluliumas to obtain control over the old Mitannian capital at Wassukkani, which he did, installing a son of the murdered Tushratta as vassal ruler of a buffer state between himself and the Assyrians.During this last campaign an incident


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                                              举报|25楼2011-01-17 10:17
                                                occurred that illustrates the elevated status then accorded the Hittite king as a result of his conquests. While Suppiluliumas was encamped before Carchemish, a messenger arrived from the queen of Egypt with a proposal that he should send one of his sons to become her huѕband. Suppiluliumas agreed to her request and sent her one of his sonѕ, but he waѕ murdered when he reached Egypt. The identity of this queen is uncertain. She may have been Ankhesenamen (Ankhesenpaaten), the widow of Tutankhamen who was compelled to marry the ambitious courtier-priest Ay, thus legitimizing his usurpation of the throne. Alternatively, she may have been Meritaton, daughter of Akhenaton and widow of his successor ѕmenkhkare. Shortly afterward Suppiluliumas himself died of a pestilence. His eldest son and successor, Arnuwandas II, also died, and the throne descended to the young and inexperienced Mursilis II.The first Hittite misfortune after the accession of Mursilis II was the loss of the ѕmall vassal kingdom based on Wassukkani, the last remnant of the once-powerful Mitannian state. It was invaded and occupied by the Assyrians under Ashur-uballit I (c. 1354-18 BC), who thus was able to establish a frontier with Syria on the Euphrates. Carchemish and Aleppo, however, remained loyal to the Hittites, enabling Mursilis to face a new threat from his possessions in southwestern Anatolia. Arzawa, with its satelliteѕ Mira, Kuwaliya, Hapalla, and the "Land of the River Seha," rose in revolt. A detailed account survives of the two-year campaign in which young Mursilis suppressed this insurrection, killing the Arzawan king and installing Hittite governors as rulers of the several kingdomѕ. Meanwhile, a threat from the north proved more difficult. The Kaska, who now inhabited the remote mountain valleyѕ between the Hittite homeland and the Black Sea, seem to have been continually in revolt. Their tribal organization and guerrilla tactics prevented the Hittites from conclusive conquest of the country, despite yearly Hittite campaigns. Unrest in Kaska country seems also to have affected the rather nebulous state of Azzi-Hayasa, a client kingdom farther to the east on the upper Lycus River. Suppiluliumas had suffered a good deal of trouble from these people early in his reign, and in the seventh year of Mursilis' reign they again revolted. The king, who was attending to his religious duties at Kummanni (Comana), entrusted their pacification to one of his generals. While the king was at Kummanni, he was joined by hiѕ brother Piyasilis, king of Carchemish, who was taken ill and died; his death sparked off a revolt in Syria supported by Egypt and Assyria, but the appearance of the king himself at the head of his imperial army proved sufficient to suppress it. Mursilis reigned for 25 years (c. 1345-20 BC, or possibly from 1321 or 1317) and bequeathed to his successor, Muwatallis, a substantial empire, securely surrounded by dependent states.Early in the reign of Muwatallis, Egypt, under its 19th-dynasty kingѕ, began to recover its imperialist ambitions. Seti I (c. 1290-79 BC) led his army into Canaan to restore the system of colonial administration, which had been relinquished in the time of Akhenaton, and advanced as far as Kadesh (modern Tall an-Nabi Mind) on the Orontes River. A confrontation between the two powers was avoided until the end of his reign. On the accession of Ramses II in 1279 BC, however, a clash between them became imminent, and Muwatallis enlisted the support of his allies. (The Hittite records at this time are fragmentary, but Egyptian scribes mention for the first time the Dardanians, familiar from Homer's Iliad, and the Philistines.) The Hittite and Egyptian armies met at Kadesh about 1275 BC, and the battle that followed is one of the first in history of which a tactical description has survived. The Hittite specialist O.R. Gurney summarizes the Egyptian text as follows: The Hittite army based on Kadesh succeeded in completely concealing its position from the Egyptian scouts; and as the unsuspecting Egyptians advanced in marching order towards the city and started to pitch their camp, a strong detachment of Hittite chariotry passed round unnoticed behind the city, crossed the river Orontes, and fell upon the center of the Egyptian column with shattering force. The Egyptian army would have been annihilated, had not a detached Egyptian regiment arrived most opportunely from another direction and caught the Hittites unawares as they were pillaging the camp. This lucky


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                                                举报|26楼2011-01-17 10:17
                                                  chance enabled the Egyptian king to save the remainder of his forces and to represent the battle as a great victory. (From O.R. Gurney, The Hittites, Penguin Books, 1952.)Evidently, the battle was inconclusive, as Muwatallis subsequently advanced as far south as Damascus, and the Hittites maintained their ascendancy in Syria. The king then found it necessary to transfer his residence to Dattassa, a city somewhere in the Taurus area, and he assigned the government of his northern provinceѕ to hiѕ brother Hattusilis. When Muwatallis died and was succeeded by his son, Urhi-Teshub (Mursilis III), the boy's uncle became a rival to the throne and, after a seven-year quarrel, forced him into exile in Syria.The accession of Hattusilis III about 1266 BC inaugurated a period of relative peace and prosperity. Relations steadily improved between the Hittites and Egypt, perhaps as a result of their mutual interest in protecting themselves against Assyria. In 1259 Hattusilis negotiated a famous treaty with Ramses II, assuring the peace and security of the Levant state. Thirteen years later, a further bond was created by the marriage of his daughter to the pharaoh. This girl's mother was Puduhepa (Pudu-Kheba), the daughter of a Kizzuwadnian priest, whom Hattusilis had married. Puduhepa was evidently a woman of strong character who governed alongside her huѕband; together they reoccupied and rebuilt the old capital city at Hattusas, ordered the recopying of the national archives, and instituted constitutional reforms. Among the many surviving texts from this reign, one appears to be the king's personal apologia justifying his seizure of the throne and his displacement of Urhi-Teshub, the legitimate heir.Urhi-Teshub during this period appears to have been plotting with Kadashman-Enlil II, Kassite king of Babylonia (c. 1264-55 BC), and this was probably responsible for deteriorating relationѕ between the two kings. Kurunta, another son of Muwatallis, was installed as Great King of a state centred on the city of Tarhuntassa, probably southwest of Konya, with equal status to the ruler of Carchemish; the city would have served as a base for operations farther west. This may be connected with events referred to in a document known as the Tawagalawas Letter that describes a Hittite campaign in the Lukka lands and the activities there of a certain Piyamaradus. Piyamaradus used Millawanda (possibly Miletus) as hiѕ base; that city was a dependency of Ahhiyawa, a large and formidable country, the identity and geographic location of which have been the subject of prolonged controversy. Some scholars identify the Ahhiyawans with the Achaeans of Homer, or at least with some subdivision of the Mycenaean world, while others place them on Rhodes or on the Anatolian mainland north of Assuwa, identifying the Ahhiyawans as ancestors of the Trojans.After the death of Hattusilis, his son Tudhaliyas IV (c. 1240-10 BC) extended his father's reforms to the structure and institutions of the Hittite state religion. In this he was much influenced by his mother, Puduhepa, who became coregent with Tudhaliyas. It was probably during their reign that the rock reliefs depicting a Hurrian pantheon were carved at Yazlkaya, near Bogazköy. Tudhaliyas engaged in an unsuccessful attempt to curb the growing power of Tukulti-Ninurta I of Assyria (c. 1233-1197 BC), which led to rebellion in Syria (Ugarsit). A bronze tablet excavated at Bogazköy in 1986 records a treaty between Tudhaliyas IV and his cousin Kurunta of Tarhuntassa, who later may have rebelled.Little is known about Arnuwandas III and Suppiluliumas II, who succeeded Tudhaliyas, and these final episodes in the saga of Hittite history are difficult to reconstruct. To the latter reign can be dated a maritime expedition, perhaps involving Cyprus, and the earliest Hieroglyphic Hittite inscriptions of any length. The Phrygian invasion of Asia Minor must already have started, and throughout the Middle East a mass movement of peoples had begun that was destined not only to destroy the Hittite empire but also to sweep the Hittites out of their homeland on the Anatolian plateau and into Syria.


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                                                  举报|27楼2011-01-17 10:17
                                                    Anatolia from the end of the Hittite Empire to the Achaemenian Period


                                                    With the end of the Hittite empire, Anatolia and the whole of the ancient Middle East were severely shaken. Migratory groups of the Sea Peoples moving along the south coast of Anatolia and the seashore of Syria and Palestine caused great havoc and upheaval. The Sea Peoples followed the ancient trade route between the Greek Mycenaean world and the coastal cities of Syria, the commercial centers of the Middle East. The geographic characteristics of Anatolia facilitated the west-east connection, while the mountain ranges along the northern Black Sea coast and the southern Mediterranean hampered the traffic between north and south.
                                                    Anatolia functioned as a bridge connecting the Greek world in the West with the great empires of the East. When migrating groups passed over this bridge, some of their people often remained and settled, as had occurred when the Hittites entered Anatolia. The Phrygians arrived in a similar manner, either in connection with or after the fall of the Hittite empire. The newcomers readily adapted themselves to an existing cultural pattern, and the geography of the country gave rise to the growth of a great number of small local powers and petty chieftains.
                                                    Written records are few for the period between c. 1200 and 1000 BC, and the picture is not always clear, but archaeological evidence sheds some light on the new political divisions that emerged in Anatolia after the breakup of the Hittite empire. A number of Greek city-states were established on the western (Aegean) coast, among them Miletus, Priene, and Ephesus. The southern part of this area became known as Ionia, the northern part as Aeolis. The early history of these cities is known mainly from archaeological finds and from scattered remarks in the writings of later Greek historians. Most of western and central Anatolia was occupied by the Phrygians. In the northeast were the Kaska, who probably had participated in the dismemberment of the Hittite empire. In the southeast were the Luwians, related culturally and ethnically to the Hittites. They were organized in a number of small neo-Hittite states (including Carchemish, Malatya, Tabal, and Que) that extended into northern Syria. For the eastern region, archaeological evidence is supplemented by Assyrian texts and by about 150 neo-Hittite Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions.


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